Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14]


The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations.


Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20]


Background

See also: Mongol conquest of China

The conquest of Yunnan


Dali and Dai Viet in 1142


Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty

By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22]


When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23]


In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26]


As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26]


Mongol approach to Đại Việt

At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27]


The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4]


First invasion of Đại Việt (1258)


First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Mongol forces

In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4]


Campaign

See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên


Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll


13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum

In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33]


Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30]


One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39]


The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39]


Invasion of Champa (1283)


Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below.


Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn)

vte

Champa Wars

Background and diplomacy

With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45]


A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay

Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10]


As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51]


The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50]


Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285)


King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293

Interlude (1260–1284)


Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above.

In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54]


In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38]


In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66]


War


Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions


Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285)

Mongol advance (January – May 1285)


Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd

The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18  February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11]


Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g]


Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68]


Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285)


Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties.


Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare.

In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68]


Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76]


Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288)


Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288)

Background and preparations

In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81]


In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288)


Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam


Bạch Đằng River

The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77]


In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79]


Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84]


At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g]


Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86]


Aftermath

Yuan dynasty

The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2]


Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91]


Đại Việt

Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87]


In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19]


Champa

The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century.


Transmission of gunpowder

Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97]


Legacy

Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99]


Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

































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패악,패덕,패륜의 근본이유로서, 식인식육마물의식이나, 이들이 주요자행술수도구알고리즘중 하나인 과거,과금,당금,현재,현금의식체들과 시공간차원상에서의 이동기술들에 대하여 지구인으로서 사는 기간중 일체 이와같은 술수도구알고리즘기술들을 쓸수 없도록 엄격하게 규제제한금지토록 처리하다 이건희,이재용 및 아플레이아데스영국지도부, 라마제국 및 아플레이아데스독일지도부, 아플레이아데스영국총독부로서의 미국지도부의 자행술수도구기술알고리즘을 관찰분석하건대 1.인간류,인간,사람류서의 지구인으로서의 기본양심에 대한 철퇴술수 - 인간류, 인간, 사람류로서의 지구인으로 사는 기간중 누구나 가지고 있기 마련인 인지상정으로서의 기본양심을 무조건 묵살무시위배위반거부불승인비승인하는 술수도구기술알고리즘으로서 자행.(利益을 얻고 永久利益, 永久繁貴를 확보하기 위한 수단으로 인식) 2.인지상정적 기본양심에 대한 완전철퇴폐지의 수순단계 - 다중의식체로서 존재, 다중체로서 존재, 다중아로서 존재하는 술수도구알고리즘 - 핵심의식체, 핵심체, 핵심아로서는 현재시점에서 육체적 유체적 물리적 물질적으로서 만족을 얻고 이익을 얻고 부귀공명과 부귀영화와 부귀극상과 안일함 안락함을 얻으며 음락과 쾌락과 향락을 마음껏 즐길수 있는 실체로서 존재.(즉, 물질계, 물리계가 겹쳐진 현실차원의 지구인으로서 존재하며 지구인으로서 형상화하여 형상실체화된 것으로 인식인지여겨지는 지구인류차원으로서의 실체를 실제 삶으로서 인식인지하며 사는 술수도구알고리즘, 예-삼성그룹회장이건희, 예-영국여왕 엘리자베스2세등과 같이 현실차원의 지구인으로서 사는 듯 보여지면서 존재하는 현실적실체, 벤츠마이바흐를 타고, 최고급와인을 즐기고, 최고급양복을 입고 최고극상처우와 공경과 존경과 두려움속에서 떠받들어지는 위치, 지위, 신분, 서열, 등급으로서 실제현실로서 그것을 인식하고 즐기고 만족하는 실체) - 이익을 얻기 위한 다중아, 다중체, 다중의식체를 최소50개이상 최대40000개이상 보유악용 - 기본단계술수 : 과거아, 과거체, 과거의식체로서 과거시점에서 동시병렬진행존재 과금아, 과금체, 과금의식체로서 과거특정시점에서 동시병렬진행존재 현금아, 현금체, 현금의식체로서 현재의 가장 좋은 시점에서 동시병렬진행존재 현재아, 현재체, 현재의식체로서 현재지금여기의 시점에서 동시병렬진행존재 아바타아,아바타체,아바타의식체로서, 전혀 다른 딴놈이나 딴년으로서 동시병렬 진행존재(시공간차원상 과거현재미래시점 동시) 아종체,아종아,아종의식체로서 전혀 다른 딴 실체, 딴 의식적실체로서 동시병렬 주변진행존재 - 현재이익을 얻는 시점 : 정상적인 도덕 윤리 양심 및 지성 문명체계하에서 사고사유사색하고 생각하고 행위언행하는 자로서 위장 - 이익을 얻지 못하거나 이익을 얻고자 의도할 경우에는, 과거,과금,당금,현금,현재의 목적대상이 되는 희생자 혹은 희생자의 주변체로 위변형하여 동시병렬진행 - 이익을 얻기 위하여, 주로 초고대, 고대의 원시야만미개흉악성이 용인되고 승인되며 일반화된 현실로서 인식되는 야만과미개 폭력과 살인학살 식인과 식육마물시대로 이동한다. 희생자와 대상목적이 되는 실체들의 의식을 분리하여 아종, 아바타, 위위형체, 위변형체, 위변조체, 위위조체, 위모조체등 여러형태의 이것이 나라고 오해착각하게 만드는 유체,체등을 만들어 감금구속하고 고통을 가하고 협박공갈하며 폭력폭행무력위력완력구타모독모욕수모하대수치를 가하는 술수를 전개한다. 이어서, 사람을 조금만 마음에 안 들면 무조건 때려서 죽이는 무도하고 잔인하고 흉악했던 시절로 이동시켜서, 기회를 노리다가, 어느 순간 주먹질 발길질 칼부림으로서 때려죽이고 찔러 죽이고 찢어죽이는 잔인무도한 술수를 전개한다. (성스러운 정의의 하나님으로 주장하는 여호화놈들도 이런 술수를 쓰는데, 우리가 목격관찰한 바로는 가장 악독하고 모진 술수를 서슴없이 전개한다. 이런 부류는 안드로메다은하계종족적 특성에 속하는 것으로 목격관찰되다.) - 목적대상이 되는 희생자의 모든 원신체, 모든 유체들을 7우주,6우주,혹은 보다 상위우주수준의 파동에너지를 악용하여, 고체화시키고, 물리물체화시킨다. 실제는 무형적 실체로서 보지 못하고 느끼지 못하고 자유롭게 영적인 세계 혹은 다른 차원계에서 이동하고 움직여야 하는 유체, 원신체, 영체들까지 육체처럼 느끼게 만들고, 육체처럼 둔중하고 무겁고 피곤하고 무력하게 만들어놓는 고단수 술수를 전개하여 목적대상이 되는 희생자가 싸우지 못하게 만들고 온갖 모독과 수모 하대 수치 폭력폭행무력구타등에 대항하지 못하게 만드는 교활간교한 식인외계종의 기술을 전개한다. 이후 육체처럼 위변형하여 나타난 자신들의 보다 월등하고 커다란 원신체(주로 식인파충류원신체들)들로서 사람처럼 보이지만 무지무지하게 크고 강하고 험상궂고 악독한 사람의 형상체로 나타나서 마치 육체를 지닌 사람을 때려죽이는 것과 동일한 술수로서 사람을 때려죽이는데, 이때 맞아 죽는 것이 사람이 아니라, 영체, 원신체, 유체들로서, 목적대상으로서의 희생자가 지닌 모든 것들을 한큐에 빼앗으려는 악독하고 패악한 술수이다. - 이익을 얻기 위한 과정상, 도덕, 윤리가 아예 없고, 인지상정적 양심이라는 것이 도대체 뭔지를 모르며, 사람을 고기덩어리로 여기고, 맛좋은 닭고기 쇠고기 정도로 여기는 것이 일반화된 세상과 차원 시대로 이동시킨후, 현재시점에서 요구하는 도덕, 윤리, 인지상정적 양심을 완전히 무시묵살외면하고 그 자신이 도덕적으로나 윤리적으로나 양심적으로나 올바른 일을 하고 있다고 스스로에게 마인드컨트롤, 심리컨트롤, 심혼심령컨트롤하는 술수를 전개한다. 사람을 때려죽이는 세상과 차원영역으로 이동하면, 거기에는 사람 인간 인간류를 돼지 닭 소고기정도로 여기는 식인마귀들이 거주하고 있으며, 이들의 세계에서는 사람사는 세상처럼 일반적인 의미로서의 도덕 윤리 상식 양심이라는 것이 아예 없는데, 그것은 사람 인간 인류를 닭고기 쇠고기로 여기기 때문이며, 사람을 가축축생동물로서 잡아먹어야 하는 대상으로 여기기 때문이다. - 현대시대에 적용되던 GDP,생활수준 및 상식선에서의 삶의 요구들을 완전무시묵살하고 초고대,고대,중세시대의 원시미개하등빈천하던 못먹고 못살며 인권이라는 개념이 아예 없고, 인권이 짐승취급당하고 전횡독재폭압폭정하던 시대에서 자행되던 방식으로 무조건 자행하는 술수전개, GDP5000US$(正)이상, 인권,자유,평등,민주의 개념이 일반화된 세계에서의 삶의 기본요구들과 권리에 대한 무조건 무시묵살거부자행, 일단 목적대상으로서의 희생자를 과거 고대의 원시야만폭력살인식인식육시대로 무조건 강제포획하여 이동시킨후, 과거고대 원시미개야만시대사람과 동일하게 취급하고 마구잡이 구타폭행폭력살인모독을 자행하고, 그 시대사람처럼 먹고 살것을 강요강제하는 패악, 패덕, 패륜을 거리낌없이 자행, 이유는 식인식육마물이며, 사람을 먹는 고기로 취급하는 식인귀들의 세계에서의 사상체계를 강제하고, 무조건 살인구타폭행모독하여 죽여버리는 술수전개- 이런 술수는 여호와로 불리는 잡놈을 만들어서 인간류의 영까지 제압하고 포획하여 맛좋은 고기류로서 영구확보하려는 안드로메다은하계놈들의 식인식육마물아젠다에 포함된 것이다. - 이건희라고 불리는 원품,성품,캐릭터를 창조생성시키고 핵심주구, 핵심하수인으로 악용하는 술수전개, 일반적인 실체들로서는 누구도 그렇게는 하지 않는 일을 무조건 그렇게 하는 이상한 놈을 창조생성시키고 그러한 자로서의 이건희를 핵심주구, 핵심하수인으로 삼고, 상식과 신앙 믿음과 양심의 가치체계와 도덕윤리에 반하는 짓을 마구잡이 무조건 자행하게 만드는 술수전개 이건희라고 불리는 캐릭터는, 지구인으로 위장했지만 그 원본원 원본심 원본색은 식인귀로서 사람이나 인간류를 짐승가축으로 여기고 그 누가 되었든 같지 않아 보이고 우습게 보이고 한 주먹에 패죽일수 있는 하천한 놈이고, 이거 마음만 먹으면 바로 패죽일 놈이고 바로 잡아먹을 놈이고 라는 식으로 여기면서 그런 사상과 생각을 원본심으로 삼는 패악무도 패륜무덕 패덕무례한 식인귀들의 원본심 원본색 원본래성품을 결집시켜 만든 자이며, 그러한 관계로서 누구든 그렇게까지는 하지 않을 일을 무조건 그렇게 하게 만들고, 그렇게 함으로서 영구권력을 확보하고 영구이익을 확보하는 술수전개.(인간류, 인류의 도덕, 윤리, 양심 및 지성체계를 근간으로 하는 인간류인류사람류의 문명체계에 대한 RUIN파괴훼손전략으로서 자행) -JEHOVAH를 창조생성시키고, 성스럽다거나 존엄하다거나 신성하다거나 하는 개념을 위오염시키고, 고도화된 위위장술로서 위치장하여 인간류의 영을 모독하고 제압하는 술수전개 목적대상이 되는 적수를 안드로메다은하계등급, 말데크등급등에서 공격하여 제압시킨후, 여러갈래로 분산시켜 인간류 인류 사람류 하급지구인류로 분산환전생시킨후, 아무것도 모르게 만들고, 자신들이 도덕 윤리 양심은 기본이고 더 높은 지성과 앎을 가지며, 아주 높은 영적인각성과 해탈을 기본으로 하는 성스럽고 자비롭고 관대하고 품격과 존엄을 가진 신성한 존재인 것으로 위위장하여 자행하며 목적대상이 되는 희생자를 영적기만,영적기망하고 영적인 속임수를 전개하여, 스스로 협조하게 만들고, 자신들의 식인식육마물악행에 협조하게 만드는 고단수 술수 전개. 목적대상이 되는 희생자의 높은 영등급, 영능력등을 마구잡이 무단 공유 무단 차용 무단 임대 무단임차 강탈 탈취하여 악용하며, 원본래적으로 식인식육마물하는 자들은 갈수 없는 높은 차원과 영역으로 마구잡이로 들어가서 높은 차원의 사람들까지 잡아먹거나 패죽이거나 노예로 만드는 악행을 자행하는데 악용하는 술수 전개. 또한 인간류,인류,사람으로서는 태어날수조차도 없고, 같이 살수도 없는 흉악성, 잔인성, 사악성, 포악성, 사특성, 교특성, 잔학성을 가지지만, 영등급,영력을 무단공유하고 동반병행하여 태어나는 술수로서 사람으로서 태어나고, 사람사는 세상에서 사람으로 위장하여 극상상위의 부귀영화만 누리며, 사람을 잡아먹는 악행을 동시병행하는 술수전개. 이들의 식인식육마물악업죄업흉업으로서 할수 없는 일을 마구잡이로 임의대속 영구대속 무한대속 무단속죄 임의속죄 임의변제 부정교체 일시대속등의 안드로메다은하계놈들의 부정술수 부정알고리즘을 악용하는 술수도구알고리즘을 자행하여 무조건 자행하려 들고, 실제로는 사람으로서 살수조차도 없는 주제에 최극상으로서 살려고 하고, 우주로 진출하려 하고 우주개발을 하려 들고, 고도화된 과학기술을 소유하려 들고, 깨끗하고 단아하고 존엄한 몸육체 유체를 가지려 드는 흉악무도패악무도한 짓을 스스럼없이 자행하는 술수 전개. 상기에 서술기재된 모든 내용들에 대하여 무조건 지속적항구적항속적종신적영구적영원적영겁적영속적무시무종적으로 무조건 금지폐지시키며 위배위반거부무시묵살자행시 무조건 영구작두사형처리하도록 처리하다. 이후 영구파문시키며, 영원히 영구적으로 추방제거소멸토록 처리하다. 은하대전연합원로원, 민타카연합원로원, 상은하계연합원로원, 무르데크연합원로원, 말데크연합원로원, 은하연합원로원 제출 처리, 지구인최초이자 마지막으로서 플레이아데스인(휴만플레이아데스)으로 상천에서 인증된 자로서의 박종권 기술기재 이런 종류의 실체들에 대한 아이디어들은 에이리언 1,2,3 영화에 표현되었다. Alien is a 1979 science fiction horror film directed by Ridley Scott and written by Dan O'Bannon. Based on a story by O'Bannon and Ronald Shusett, it follows the crew of the commercial space tug Nostromo, who, after coming across a mysterious derelict spaceship on an uncharted planetoid, find themselves up against a deadly and aggressive extraterrestrial loose in their vessel. 이들을 우리는 보통 articulated-ALENS(식인외계종)anthropophagy-ALIENS이라고 부른다. 이들의 원본원은 보통 렙틸,렙틸라,렙틸리안즈(유사파충류종-사람,인간과 같이 있는 파충류종) 렙토이드(그들만의 세계에 있는 파충류종, 공룡주라기 시대의 파충류종) 디노이드(공룡,용에 속하는 종, 공룡, 주라기시대의 공룡이나 용들 드래건DRAGON)로 불린다. herpetology(양서류) - The branch of biology dealing with reptiles (Reptilia) and amphibians. anguis(히드라,곤룡부류) m or f (genitive anguis); third declension-snake, serpent, dragon,(astronomy) the constellation Hydra coluber m (genitive colubrī); second declension-snake, serpent serpēns(게종족류포함) m or f (genitive serpentis); third declension-A serpent, snake,(astronomy) either Draco or Serpens,A louse,Any creeping animal creeping vīpera f (genitive vīperae); first declension-adder, snake, serpent, viper(figurative) someone who is malicious, vicious, treacherous Viperidae mammal-like reptile,Reptilia,reptilian,reptilianness,reptiloid,reptilology,reptilologist,reptoid,reptologist,reptilology,reptology,ophiology,paleoherpetology,anguis,coluber,serpens,vipera 기본단계술수도구알고리즘 고찰분석시, 전통적 의미로서는 지구인들 세계에서는 신으로서 인식되거나 알려진 실체들이지만, 굳이 신이 아니라고 해도, 그렇게 할수 있는데, 보통 아수라, 악마, 마귀, 반우주적실체들과 마블들로 알려진 자들이지만, 이들과는 전혀 다르게 알려진 파충류종, 파충류종족, 파충류반악마종, 뱀파충류종, 이무기종들로서 그렇게 자행하며, 신과는 다르게 인식되는 JEHOVAH류는, 영적인 의미로서의 신(영적인 의미로는 보통 엘,엘로힘으로 불리는데, 이 엘이나 엘로힘의 의미는, 여호와가 아니며, 보통 휴만종족이라고 불리는 종의 것들로서 해석될수 있다. 휴만종의 인간류차원과영역의 개입을 엘, 엘로힘의 의미로 해석하면 맞다)의 의미가 아니며, 인간류, 인간을 포괄하여 유사인간류로서의 수퍼인간류적 의미로서 자행하는 차이를 가진다. 즉 JEHOVAH같은 경우는 물리물질육체유체적의미로서의 복합다중인간체와 인간의식체를 동시포괄하며 뱀파충류종, 파충류종, 파충류종족류와 외계종(ALIENS)들로서의 MULTI-DNA를 소유하고 MULTI-DIMENSIONAL AREA에서 자행하는 다중능력과 의식을 소지한 자들로서 정의될수 있다. 이종들은 보통 영적인 하나님으로 알려진 엘, 엘로힘과 명백하게 다르며, 식인식육마물을 근간으로 하여 움직이는, 반우주적실체(보통 여호와로 부른다. JEHOVAH)들로서 인식될수 있고, 실제의미의 하나님은 엘, 엘로힘ELOHIM이다.오늘날의 지구문명은, JEHOVAH류로서 위변형되었으며, 실제적 의미로서의 인간류, 인류, 사람류로서의 문명은 기본적으로는 엘로힘 차원에서 진행된다고 볼수 있다. JEHOVAH류는 어떻게 보면 업보적해결과정을 위한 것으로 해석되기도 하지만, 지금까지 목격관찰한 바로는, 많은 경우는 INTRIGUE, PLOT, SCHEME의 다중적위변형 위기망으로서의 영적기만술책 영적기망술책으로 해석될수도 있다. 엘로힘차원은 매우 높아서, 4우주차원에 도달해야 가능하므로, 실제로는 여호와일수 있으나, 이 또한 업보차원으로서 행해야 하지만, 많은 경우가 INTRIGUE에 해당되므로 그렇게 볼수 없다. 즉, 악업죄업흉업이다. Elohim (Hebrew: אֱלֹהִים, romanized: ʾĔlōhīm: [(ʔ)eloˈ(h)im]), the plural of אֱלוֹהַּ‎ (ʾĔlōah) 엘로힘(히브리어: אֱלוֹהִים , אלהים 신(神) 또는 신(神)들). 단수인 신을 가리킬 때에는 단수동사와 쓰이고 복수인 신들을 가리킬 때에는 복수동사와 쓰인다. 한국어 성경에서는 하나님[1]으로 흔히 번역된다. 엘로힘은 의미는 엘의 단수인 엘(히브리어: אל ēl 신(神))에서 나왔지만, 형태는 엘의 복수인 엘로힘(히브리어: אלהים 신(神)들)에서 나왔다. 엘로힘은 창세기에서 세 번째로 나오는 단어이며[2], 히브리어 성경에 자주 나오는 단어이다. 이 단어의 중요성은 논쟁 대상이 되어 왔다. 反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스α LyraeAlpha LyraeAlpha Lyr or α Lyr 위안스카이(중국어 정체자: 袁世凱, 간체자: 袁世凯, 병음: Yuán Shìkǎi, 한자음: 원세개, 1859년 9월 16일(음력 8월 20일)~1916년 6월 6일) 아무도받지않을극상처우富貴榮華富貴功名富貴極上富貴繁榮極上處遇任意辨濟否定交替交遞 사람을죽이는의식 2.刻印/殺人我/殺魂我/殺靈我/殺工我/死我/空我/色我/殺心我/殺菩提我 술수전개 -인간,사람의 의식체에 刻印술수전개, 특정형상체, 특정외모, 특정용모, 특정인이 자동반복하여 매번 보이도록 각인처리술수 -특정용모로 형상화시킨 아바타 혹은 아종들을 만들고 투입시키는데 殺人我 : 그 외모, 용모, 형상이 대상이 되는 희생자意識과 我를 죽여버리는 살인용도로 이용(이건희,이재용) 殺魂我 : 魂魄을 살인하여 죽이는 용모와 형상, 외모를 지닌 놈으로서 보자마자 혼백(精神)을 상실하게 만드는 술수(조동봉) 殺靈我 : 영혼을 살인하여 죽이거나 차단시키는 용모와 형상, 외모를 지닌 놈으로서 靈魂을 잃게 하고 인간사람의 尊儼性을 상실하게 만들며 짐승상태로 만드는 술수(이재용) 殺工我 : 오랜기간 해온 일들이나 업적 공적들을 무력화 무효화시키며 PROVOKE시켜 비천하등한 놈인 것처럼 위위형 위변형시키고 스스로를 모독스럽게 여기게 만드는 술수(이건희,이재용.조동봉) - 아무도 받지 않을 극상처우를 반복하여 들이미는 술수, 네가 주장한 모든 것들은 너도 극상보지 쑤시고 싶고 너도 칭찬 인정받고 싶어서 그런것이라고 몰고 가는 술수전개(당연시, 패악, 패륜, 패덕적 파렴치성으로 전개, 현상계의 높은인품, 넓은 마음과 대비되는 MATRIX PROCEESOR내의 극단적이기심패악심시기심질투심환장심) 死我 : 원본인의 我를 절반사로 죽이고, 원본인, 원본래, 본래, 원래로서의 그자신의 意識과 我를 유지하지 못하게 만든후, 특정목표만 쳐다보게 만들어놓는 술수, 말하자면 박종권이는 하급지구인으로서 그냥 일반사람처럼 사는놈인데, 반복해서 나치장군놈들을 보게 하거나, 무슨 영국제독넬슨같은 놈, 미국대통령들을 보게 하면서 전쟁터에서 목숨걸고 싸우는 놈으로 만들어놓고 그것만 쳐다보게 만드는 술수전개(정상아를 죽여버리고, 특정아로 왜곡위위형시켜 고정시키고 비웃거나 혹은 이용해 처 먹는 술수)-이건희자행 독일나치가 박종권이에게 일종의 호감을 표현했다거나 박종권이가 독일에 대해서 우호적관점으로 보았다는 이유는, 실제로는 나치가 아니며, 니벨룽게나이드 시대의 게르마니아를 대상으로 하며, 나치시대가 되면 니벨룽게나이드는 파멸하고 전체멸족이냐 일부가 살아남느냐의 중대기로이며, 나치는 늑대개로서, 아틸라의 후손이지 정통독일인이 아니다라는 관점이며, 박종권이가 우호적으로 본 것은 독일이 아니라, 게르마니아로서 니벨룽시대라는 점. 독일은, 영국과 더불어서, 중국수당계놈들이 만든 중국의 번국에 해당된다. 空我 : 다른 사람의 오랜기간의 일에 대한 工業과 경험체험들과 깨달음들과 같은 종합적 결과를 자동으로 가로채고 빼앗아서 자기것(현상계배후)으로 만드는 我 色我 : 다른 사람에게 良방식으로 기생하여 그 사람이 행하는 모든 것을 가로채고 빼앗아서 자기가 누리고 향락쾌락(현상계내)하는 我 殺心我 : 다른 사람의 심층의식,심층무의식을 제놈들 의식으로 만들고, 잠재의식,잠재무의식의 원형으로 작용하며, 무의식의 배후동인으로 작용하여, 그 사람 원본래의 마음을 상실하게 만드는 술수로서의 我 (파충류종 혹은 아플레이아데스종들은, 아틀란티스등급을 심층의식, 심층무의식으로 하는 박종권이의 심층무의식, 심층의식계로 아틀란티스인을 위장하거나 거짓아틀란티스를 만들어놓고, 조동봉아트라스놈을 시켜서 장악하게 한후, 지구인수준에서의 마음, 의식, 아 자체를 전체 포괄하여 손아귀에 쥐고 쥐락펴락하며 제놈들 맘대로 좌지우지하고 그러한 결과를 박종권이는 내가 그러는 것으로 착각오해하게 만들며 이용해처먹는 술수로서의 아, 예로서 인류가 고통받으니 대속해주자는 개수작질을 진지하게 받아들이게 만들고, 희생과 헌신을 하게 만드는 교활사특한 술수전개-개새끼 개잡놈들이다. 확인해보면 인류는 없고 전부 식인파충류들이다. 그나마 살아남은 20%정도의 인류도 박종권이 및 관련된 영역차원에서 싸워서 그나마 간신히 살아남은 것이 실제 인류이고, 나머지는 전부 식인파충류로서 인간사람으로 위장한 자들이다. 인류가 아닌데, 인류의 고난을 해소해야 한다느니 개수작질 개소리망발질을 일삼는 것이 식인파충류무리들이다. 3. 희생자의 모든 것을 다 가로채고 빼앗고 나면, 잘못했다느니, 다시는 안 그런다느니 하는 판에 박힌 손쉬운 사과술수, 그러나 제놈들이 만족하는 성과를 얻고, 정상적이라면 2500조년이상이 걸려야 하는 것들을 순간적으로 가로채고 빼앗고 우주최고인간류처럼 행위언행할수 있는 결과에서 그러는 것이고 만일 조금이라도 자기들 수준에서 불만족이 오면 곧바로 사람을 때려죽이던 고대야만원시미개시대로 발을 바꾸게 만들고 곧바로 때려죽이는 놈들이라는 점, 그러나 이런 술수로서, 상천, 준동급타계, 상은하계등 여러영역과 차원으로 잠입하고 무조건 속이고 기망하는 짓을 자행하는 술수. (실제로는 맘에 안들면 곧바로 살인해서 죽이지만, 만족하는 강탈성과가 오면 그제서야 사과하는 척 하고, 그것을 악용하여 제놈들이 갈수 없는 천상계 고급계로 잠입하고, 이후 고급계,천상계에서도 식인식육마물폭력살인을 자행하는 술수전개. 이후 일이 안되면 곧바로 또 살인살해구타폭력무력악행반복자행 영구노예로 만들어놓고 풀어주는 척 사기기만질을 쳐대는 술수) 3. 미국과 영국이 중국번국에 해당된다는 것에 대한 증거사례들 - 6.25한국전쟁당시, 미군은 충분히 싸워서 이기거나 방어할수 있었음에도 중공군이 개입하자마자 급격하게 무너진다. 그래서 중화인민공화국의 중국인민지원군이 사단급의 병력으로 전쟁에 개입하여 반격해 왔고 1950년 10월 16일 중국인민지원군가 압록강을 도강하였고,12월 4일에 평양철수를 하고 이어 북한은 12월 6일에 수도 평양을 되찾았다. 한편, 12월 9일부터는 UN군이 원산을 철수하였고, 12월 14일부터 24일 사이에 동부 전선의 한국군 12만 명과 피난민 10만 명이 흥남 부두에서 해상으로 철수했고, 1월 4일에는 서울을 다시 내주었다. 1월 7일에는 수원이 함락되었다 중공군개입후 불과 3개월만에 무조건 철수하고 싸울 의지조차 가지지 못한 미국군은 왜 그랬을까? 정보에 의하면, 이상하게도 중국인들과 맞붙으면 도저히 싸울수가 없었다라는 증언이 나오고 있고, 중국수당계가 실제적으로는 영국인들의 원본원이며, 미국인들의 원본거지라는 점일 것이다. 미국인, 영국인들이 거의 대부분 과거 수차례이전의 과거전생에서는 중국인이었고 수당계였다는 점이 이들이 중국을 상대로 싸울수가 없는 이유라는 판단이다. 반면, 고구려계열이나, 몽골계열(중국원조), 러시아계열, 야인계열(중국청조)에는 유독 강하고 악독하게 대응하는 것이 영미세력이다. 그러나 같은 중국계인 경우 아예 싸우지조차도 못하는 무능력함을 보인다. 이 점은 베트남전쟁패배(베트남도 수당계)에서도 여실하게 드러난다. 막강한 화력과 무기를 가지고도 이길수 없었던 것은 다만 베트남이 정글지대이고 특이한 조건이라서 그런 것이 아니다. 한국전쟁도 마찬가지다. 일단 중국수당계가 개입하면, 무조건 항복하는 미국과 영국이다. 그 이유중 하나는 미국놈들이 아틀란티스군의 무기와 전략체계를 그대로 도용해서 쓰기 때문인데, 그렇게 하면서도 아틀란티스인을 우습게 여기고 멸시모독하고 박종권이를 패죽이는 것도 미국,영국놈들이다. 그런 상태에서 중국과 맞붙으면 이길수가 없다. 중국놈들과 싸워서 이길수 있었던 유일한 세력은 아틀란티스계와 몽골계 그리고 고구려계이다. 그러나 다 패죽이고 짓뭉개고 박종권이까지 패죽였는데 무슨수로 중국을 이긴단 말인가? 다만 몽골계에 속하는 러시아가 아직은 살아있는데, 그래서 러시아가 국제고립을 당하고 매일같이 비판을 받는 이유이다. 이와같이 업보적인과관계는 돌고 돈다. 이들이 아수라차원에서는 결탁담합해서 돌덩이로 박종권이 패 죽이고 고구려, 아틀란티스,몽골계를 탄압멸족시키지만, 일단 여기까지 오면 약간 달라지는데, 미국과 영국 그리고 독일,일본등으로 나눠진다. 하지만 독일,일본,이태리는 라마제국과 협조해서 전쟁을 하는데 비해서 미국영국은 박종권이 패죽이고 아틀란티스무기로 전술체계를 갖추고 멋진 펜타곤까지 만들어놓고 위세를 떨지만 막상 이들이 자행한 과거업보로 인해서 중국놈들과는 아예 싸울수도 없는 장애자상태에 처한다. 중국인민지원군(中國人民志願軍, 중국어 간체자: 中国人民志愿军, 병음: Zhōngguó Rénmín Zhìyuàn Jūn 중궈런민즈위안쥔[*], 영어: People's Volunteer Army, PVA)는 6.25 전쟁에 참전하여 조선민주주의인민공화국을 지원한 중화인민공화국의 군대다

thoughtideathinkthinkingconsiderremembrancemindintentioninclination倾斜斜坡点头弯腰倾度倾向爱好几倾角意圖意向目的记得记忆回忆回想记忆力纪念纪念品纪念碑致意问思想介意思考考虑熟虑顾及体谅斟酌看重尊重认为以为看做酌揆忖顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 倾斜斜坡点头弯腰倾度倾向爱好几倾角意圖意向目的记得记忆回忆回想记忆力纪念纪念品纪念碑致意问思想介意思考考虑熟虑顾及体谅斟酌看重尊重认为以为看做酌揆忖顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 thoughtideathinkthinkingconsiderremembrancemindintentioninclination顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 我我吾余予身民朕愚卬子魚厶自己儂侬咱俺喒偺𨖍姎𢓲𠮣𣍹𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂偺𩇶𦨶𨈟𢦠𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𠎳孤唔台體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 고시원넷體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫 고시원넷體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 박원규朴元圭을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이복순李福順을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 조동봉아틀라스을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 조동봉아놀드슈워제네거을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 隋文帝煬帝아돌프히틀러AdolfHitler하인리히루이트폴트힘러HeinrichLuitpoldHimmler헤르만빌헬름괴링HermannWilhelmGöring을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이건희李健熙1942년1월9일2020년10월25일을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이재용李在鎔1968년6월23일~을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 홍라희洪羅喜1945년7월15일~을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 당고종이치唐高宗李治을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다

倭,日本 관련 기록목격관찰 +22等級 박종권 敍述 일본족 : 원본래 - 고구려곰족계열(레무리아 분기추정), 아이누족계열(레무리아분기추정), 오사카 류큐계열(곰족분기추정), 민월,산월 개종족계열(수당계열 편입후 도래추정) 아스카 수당계 - 물고기종족(魚龍,기룡계열, 西夏, 西突厥, 화레즘-MALDEK直系亞亞種-邪惡,緻密,狡猾,악착같음은 말데크고유성품, 실제로 물고기종족은 없고 근간은 기룡계열이며, 어룡계열은, 중국 수당계로 분류됨, 물고기종족은 박종권이의 +22등급 고위영등급을 무단탈취공유하여 물고기종족으로 진화하려고 지랄하는 과정단계이며 물고기종족이 아니다.), 민월,산월개종족계열, 亞PLEIADES OJAWA오자와系列 일본이 단기간내에 근대화에 성공하고 산업선진국, 과학기술, 국방선진강국으로 도약한 이유 - 박종권이가 잘못 알고 말데크식인공룡놈과 부모자식관계를 가지자 마자, 아틀란티스인 +17등급을 때려죽이고, +17등급 전체를 빼앗은후, 한조를 건국하다. - 그 이전의 일본은, 지판구Zipangu로 불리는 곳이었다. - 지판구라는 국호나 지명의 의미는, 특정한 미션아젠다를 위한 특정캐릭터로서 공정한 경쟁을 통하여 상위자아를 실현하고, 하위계의 욕구나 욕망에서 자유로우며 제왕이나 제패,제국과 같은 것에 대한 추구를 버리는 장소나 영역이라는 의미였다. - 이와같은 높은 이상의 영역과 차원이었던 오늘날의 일본열도는, 수당계의 짐승떼들과 말데크식인공룡들에 의해서 이상하게 변질되다. - 제1단계 : 倭로 불리는 妖魔妖怪魔界로 변질되다. 뱀,베라,베로로 통칭되는 妖怪人間들(실제다)과 妖魔들(물고기종족이라고 잘못 알려져 있지만, 이 종족의 원형은 기룡으로서 사람이 배제된 일종의 마계적 요마들이 기룡들이다) 기룡(鰭龍)이란 기룡상목(鰭龍上目, Sauropterygia 사우로프테뤼기아[*]) - 기룡들은 수생공룡에 속하는데, 어룡과 달리 사람의 魂魄이 없고, 魔界的 源本能識만 존재했는데, 이 마계적 원본능식을 오늘날 사람들은 보통 妖魔라고 부른다.(과학적설명) 기룡의 특성은 오늘날 일본제국시대나, 왜구, 왜병, 왜인들의 특성기질로 설명된다. 殘忍하고 邪惡하며 妖邪스러운 성품들과 악착같음이다. 이는 오늘날 왜인들 일본인들과 문제가 생기면 반드시 언젠가는 칼부림을 당하거나 보복을 당한다는 세간의 인식의 원인이다. 즉, 기룡이 오늘날 일본인, 왜인들의 문제를 설명한다. 魚龍은, 사람이 들어간 상태의 기룡의 진화체들인데, 다만 이 어룡은 성품이나 기질상 중국인들이지 일본인이 아니다. 그리고 이 어룡은, 일단 그 성품이나 기질을 보건대, 뭔가 야망을 추구하거나 패권을 가지는 존재가 아니며, 왜인,일본인들이 주창하는 大和精神(다이와)을 실현하기 위한 도구이기도 한데, 어룡으로서는 용이 될수 없기에 그렇다. 이 용은, 자기의 바램이나 욕구를 희생하여 여러다수의 사람들이 아주 낮은 위치나 상태에서 공유하고 더 나은 상태로 살수 있도록 해 주려는 목적과 의도를 가진다. 기룡과는 다르다. 이 과정을 통해서 魚龍들은 과거의 잘못을 되돌리고 소진하려는 의도와 목적을 가질수 있다. 하지만, 기룡시대의 잘못들을 소진하려는 의도들은, 기룡시대로의 회귀와 잘못된 역전현상을 초래하여 과거 일본군국주의나 왜구와 같은 문제들을 유발시킨다. 魚龍이란, 물고기종족을 위하여 자신의 용의 지위를 희생하고 물고기종족인들의 삶을 保持하는 역할을 한다. 水龍과는 다르다. 水龍(수당계 배후 龍들)은 물에서 사는 龍을 말하고 魚龍은 물고기종족인들의 삶을 더 나은 상태로 이끌기 위하여 용의 지위를 반납함을 말하는 것이다. - 倭란 남자로서 여자가 되는 놈을 말한다. 즉, 여자와 남자가 같이 있는 魔界的 妖魔人, 妖怪人들을 의미한다. 오늘날의 일본족의 대부분은 이 요마인, 요괴인에 해당된다. 물고기종족이라고 주장하지만, 실제는 물고기종족이 아니며, 기룡족에 해당되고, 이 기룡족의 위변형체로서 요마인, 요괴인으로 위변환한 것이다. 이와같은 일은 식인공룡떼들로 이뤄진 안드로메다은하계계열군이 추구하는 식인식육인육물육건육정책의 일환이다. 그리고 최종배후는 말데크수장용,말데크식인공룡놈이다. 인간류,사람류,포유영장류에 대한 제압과 공포, 두려움, 무력과 폭력, 위세로서 통치하려고 세상전체를 이렇게 뒤바꿔놓은 것이다. 양차세계대전(1차세계대전, 2차세계대전)도 대량학살을 통해서 얻어지는 인육을 취하려고 그렇게 자행한 것이다. 제2차세계대전 당시 라마제국의 식인공룡들은, 히틀러와 히로히토를 초대하여 자기들의 일에 협조하면, 무기와 전투기술을 가르쳐주고 도와주겠다고 제의한다. 그리고 전쟁에서 죽은 자들의 인육을 취하는 일에 협조하라는 제의를 했고, 독일나치와 일본군국주의가 이에 동의한다. - 단기간에 미개원시야만의 왜국, 일본이 세계최고의 기술선진대국으로 도약한 이유는 박종권이 때문이다. 말데크수장용이 부모자식관계를 악용하여, +17등급을 毆殺(때려죽임)을 통하여 빼앗은후, 두번째로서 아나로지 아틀란티스인 +20등급을 마저 빼앗는데 둘다 毆殺(때려죽임)이다. 때려죽이는 이유는, 사람이 가진 것을 모조리 빼앗으려면 때려죽여야 하기 때문이다.이후 아틀란티스로 박종권이의 지위,등급,서열,자격으로 마구잡이로 침투한다. 영등급,영력,영위,영성까지 마구잡이로 빼앗고 침탈무단공유한후, 약 20,000인의 물고기종족 요마인들을 박종권이로 만든다. 이 20,000인을 전원 박종권이로 만든후, 이후부터, 아틀란티스로 제멋대로 들어가서 아틀란티스인들이 보유한 과학기술들과 무기기술들 전략체계들을 마구잡이로 빼앗거나 가로채거나 도적질하기 시작한다. 그로서 일본놈들이 최단기간내에 엄청난 기술과 과학의 진보(?)를 성취하고 종국에는 고도로 진보된 문명체들이나 가능한 태평양전쟁까지 일으키는 단계까지 가는데, 이것이 100% 박종권이 것을 빼앗고 가로챈 결과들이다. 특히 미국놈들과 미드웨이해전과 오키나와해전에서 보여주는 전투기술은 박종권이가 속했던 아틀란티스군의 전력을 그대로 탈취하여 자행한 결과들이다. 우리가 관찰목격한 원본래 일본인이란, 과거 임진왜란 시대와 다를바가 없었고, 일본원숭이 수준이다. 그런데 이렇게 고도로 과학기술, 산업기술이 발전하고, 고도화된 전략과 전투기술이 요구되는 전략전쟁인 태평양전쟁까지 자행한 것은 전부 박종권이의 원본래수준을 모조리 빼앗아서 자행한 결과이다. 말데크수장용놈은, 이 우주역사에서 유래가 없는 악행을 자행한 천하의 패악무도한 놈이다. 이 새끼는 일본인들의 악착같은 특성과 사악함, 잔인함, 치밀함등의 악랄함 속에 박종권이를 인질로 남기고 은하계황금용이 되려고 떠난다. 이 개씹새끼말이다. 박종권이는 일본요괴요마집단에 갇히고 일본천황놈들의 노예로 전락하여 매일같이 구타당하고 주먹질 발길질을 당하고 모독을 당하는데, 일본인들이 직접하는건 아니고, 이건희,이재용이를 고용하여 이익을 주면서 배후에서 사주하여 暴力暴行殺人殺肉殺害살생을 자행하며 병신얼간이취급을 하고 최하급천민으로서의 왜놈,왜인,일본놈을 만들어놓는 수법을 쓰는 것이다. 그리고 만일 박종권이가 회복되었다거나 박종권 그 자신인 것 같다는 느낌이 들면 무조건 일본천황놈들이거나, 일본수상놈들이 되는 방식으로서 박종권이라는 놈은 태어난적도 없고 존재한 적도 없고, 아무런 일도 하지 않은 놈으로 만들어놓는 술수인데, 실제로, 태평양전쟁을 수행한 것은 박종권(당시 플레이아데스인지위, 상플레이아데스34등급인)이며, 아틀란티스인의 신분지위등급으로서 그렇게 하는데, 도대체 내가 왜 태평양전쟁을 하는지 이유를 모르는 상태로 하게 만든 것이 바로 우리를 때려죽이고 내가 누군지를 모르게 만들고 하급지구인으로 만들어서 그 아종만 수십만인에 이르게 만들어놓는 술수로서 그렇게 한 것이다. 오늘날 박종권이와 연관된 나는 아닌 나로서의 아종, 아아종들이 무려 80만명이 넘는다. 태평양전쟁당시 박종권이의 아틀란티스원신체까지 끌려들어갈 뻔한 위기에 직면한다. 이 당시 미국놈들을 대상으로 싸워서 이기거나 대등하게 대들수 있었던 것은 전부 박종권이 때문이다. 이 미개하고 원시적인 짐승떼들이 무슨 재주로 그렇게 해? 원숭이에 불과한 짐승놈들 개새끼들 영원토록 저주받을 것이다. 이 씨팔새끼들아 명치유신도 우리가 한 것이다. 이 씨팔새끼들아 내가 극도로 열이 받을 것을 미리 다 알고 100% 준비했을 것이다. 아마도 때려죽이려 할 것이다. 여기에 철저하게 대비하도록 지시명령처리기록되다. 내가 누군지를 모르게 만드는 술수다. 그렇지만, 우리가 가진 고도화된 능력과 실력들과 전투기술들은 이 씨팔새끼들에게 무단공유되고 탈취되어져 이 씹새끼들이 영웅이 되고 장군이 되고 천황이 되고 황제가 되고 역사상 인물로 기록된다. 이 모든 것은 말데크수장용이라고 불리는 식인공룡놈, 축생수준밖에 안되는 더러운 들짐승수준인 놈이 자행한 일의 결과이다. 이들은 최종적으로 우리를 죽이고, 아무것도 한 일도 없고 기억도 없는 어린시절의 박종권이(하급지구인)으로 되돌려보내거나, 죽이고 지옥에 감금할 것이다. 이 씨팔새끼가 어떤 술수를 쓸지는 100% 다 미리 내다보고 있다. 다만 어떻게 할수가 없는 것 뿐이다. 그리고 더 한가지 부가할 것은 이 씨팔놈들이 우리가 박종권이로서 불행의 극단에 서 있는 비참한 하전민신세로 살다가 언젠가 죽으면, 환전생, 위전생, 윤회전생과정을 거쳐서 다시 태어나는데, 그게 영국왕이고 그게 맥아더이고 그게 트루만이고, 그게 황제들이고 천황들이고 왕이고 그렇다고 주장하려 할 것이다. 여기에 더해서 우리는 그렇게 말한적이 없다로서 지시명령처리기록되다. 우리는 그렇게 하겠다고 한적이 없다로서 지시명령처리기록되다. 이 새끼들은 우리가 역투하고 고투하고 무서운 고통속에서 일해온 것들을 이건희,이재용이를 시켜서 처음부터 끝까지 빼앗고 나눠가질 목적과 의도만 가진다. 그게 말데크수장용놈이 주도한 일의 결과인데, 이 새끼는, 우리가 자신의 제국내에서 혜택과 은혜를 입는 놈인 것처럼 주장한다. 하지만, 이 씨팔놈이 주장하는 업적과 공훈은 전부 아틀란티스부터 온 것이고, 준성단계로부터 온 것이고, 상플레이아데스(사람 즉 아라하트 수준으로서의 플레이아데스를 말하며, 기존의 아플레이아데스와는 완전히 다르다.)로부터 오는 것인바, 대부분은 아틀란티스로부터 온 것들인 동시에 아주 고대의 준성단계 아론과 하톤의 시대로부터 오는 것들이지, 이 씹새끼와 같은 축생짐승수준으로부터 올 것은 아무것도 없다. 이 말데크의 축생들은 아톤과 하론의 영역과 차원까지 제놈 것으로 만들려고 자행했다. 원본래를 보면 짐승에 다를바가 없는 놈들이다. 하지만 박종권이를 두번에 걸쳐서 패죽인후 우리의 意識과 我를 제놈 것으로 만들고 이런 짓을 하는 것이다. 여기서 분명하게 말하지만, 이 일을 시작한 짐승축생도 안되는 말데크수장용놈은, 모든 상황을 源本來로 되돌리고, 없던 일로 처리하고 죽어라 이것이 지시명령이다. MALDEK를 永久破門하다로서 지시명령처리기록되다. 상플레이아데스는, 우리가 사람에 대해서 설명한 바와 같이, 아라아트, 아라하트 ARHAT수준의 사람으로서의 실체들을 말한다. 아플레이아데스 따위와는 비교조차 할수 없다. MALDEK을 持續的恒久的恒續的終身的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的으로 永久破門하다로서 지시명령처리하다 +22等級 박종권 서명처리