Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14]


The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations.


Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20]


Background

See also: Mongol conquest of China

The conquest of Yunnan


Dali and Dai Viet in 1142


Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty

By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22]


When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23]


In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26]


As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26]


Mongol approach to Đại Việt

At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27]


The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4]


First invasion of Đại Việt (1258)


First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Mongol forces

In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4]


Campaign

See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên


Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll


13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum

In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33]


Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30]


One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39]


The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39]


Invasion of Champa (1283)


Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below.


Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn)

vte

Champa Wars

Background and diplomacy

With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45]


A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay

Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10]


As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51]


The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50]


Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285)


King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293

Interlude (1260–1284)


Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above.

In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54]


In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38]


In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66]


War


Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions


Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285)

Mongol advance (January – May 1285)


Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd

The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18  February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11]


Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g]


Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68]


Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285)


Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties.


Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare.

In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68]


Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76]


Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288)


Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288)

Background and preparations

In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81]


In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288)


Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam


Bạch Đằng River

The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77]


In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79]


Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84]


At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g]


Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86]


Aftermath

Yuan dynasty

The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2]


Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91]


Đại Việt

Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87]


In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19]


Champa

The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century.


Transmission of gunpowder

Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97]


Legacy

Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99]


Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

































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thoughtideathinkthinkingconsiderremembrancemindintentioninclination倾斜斜坡点头弯腰倾度倾向爱好几倾角意圖意向目的记得记忆回忆回想记忆力纪念纪念品纪念碑致意问思想介意思考考虑熟虑顾及体谅斟酌看重尊重认为以为看做酌揆忖顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 倾斜斜坡点头弯腰倾度倾向爱好几倾角意圖意向目的记得记忆回忆回想记忆力纪念纪念品纪念碑致意问思想介意思考考虑熟虑顾及体谅斟酌看重尊重认为以为看做酌揆忖顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 thoughtideathinkthinkingconsiderremembrancemindintentioninclination顧慮着想體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 我我吾余予身民朕愚卬子魚厶自己儂侬咱俺喒偺𨖍姎𢓲𠮣𣍹𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂偺𩇶𦨶𨈟𢦠𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𠎳孤唔台體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 고시원넷體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫 고시원넷體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 박원규朴元圭을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이복순李福順을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 조동봉아틀라스을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 조동봉아놀드슈워제네거을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 隋文帝煬帝아돌프히틀러AdolfHitler하인리히루이트폴트힘러HeinrichLuitpoldHimmler헤르만빌헬름괴링HermannWilhelmGöring을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이건희李健熙1942년1월9일2020년10월25일을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 이재용李在鎔1968년6월23일~을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 홍라희洪羅喜1945년7월15일~을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다 당고종이치唐高宗李治을·를持續破門恒久破門恒續破門終身破門永久破門永續破門永遠破門永劫破門無限反復破門無始無終破門永久兆年破門永遠兆年破門永續兆年破門永劫兆年破門하다로서指示命令處理記錄되다

6301281067814박종권 지구인최초이자마지막으로서 상천급 비파충류준초식플레이아데스인으로 인증된 자에 대한 보고서 +22等級 박종권 서술 비파충류준초식플레이아데스29등급(상천89등급) 서술 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Diabolic과 Anti-chirst에 대한 목격관찰보고 1.高句麗의 역할과 중요성에 대한 목격관찰보고 -나치독일의 중대죄악 아우슈비츠강제수용소는, 수나라문제놈이 자행 -아돌프히틀러의 원본신은 수나라문제놈으로 목격관찰됨 - 고구려가 수나라와 전쟁하여 아우슈비츠강제수용소참극의 확산을 저지했다 보고처리 수 문제(隋文帝, 541년 7월 21일(음력 6월 13일) ~ 604년 8월 13일(음력 7월 13일))는 수나라의 제1대 황제(재위: 581년 3월 4일 ~ 604년 8월 13일)이다. 성명은 양견(楊堅), 시호는 문황제(文皇帝), 묘호는 고조(高祖)이다. 소자(小字)는 나라연(那羅延, 산스크리트어로 금강불괴를 의미함)이고, 선비족 무장 출신으로서의, 성은 보륙여(普六茹)이다.[1] 북주를 이어 수나라를 건국하였으며, 이후 남쪽 한족 국가 진나라를 멸망시켰다. 선비족(鮮卑族) 무장집안 출신으로 추정된다.[2][3][4] -수문제는, 박종권이가 말데크악룡을 우주용으로 잘못 알고 부모자식관계를 가지자 곧바로 달려든 말데크악룡이 박종권이의 선등급 선업공덕과 연관된 영등급영력영위영각영성을 마구잡이로 침탈무단탈취강제공유강제강탈하여 원본래로서는 갈수없는 영역과 차원을 가고 원본래로서는 할수 없는 일을 하는 참람한 상황을 초래하는 것에 편승하여, 원본래로서는 서양백인으로서 위전생할수 없음에도 불구하고 박종권이의 +22등급 선등급을 강탈강제공유하고 박종권이를 원본래로 삼고(준주신체, 준우주체, 준하나님체) 독일계 백인으로 위전생했는바 그것이 아돌프히틀러이며, 이 사람외에도 많을 것으로 추정 파충류종족으로서 서양명문백인으로 위전생하려면 적어도 600만세이상의 연령을 가져야 한다 그러나 수문제놈은 고작250만세의 연령으로서 서양명문백인으로 위전생하다 이점은 이건희놈도 마찬가지인데 이 새끼도 고작 연령이 250만세수준으로서 서양명문백인으로 위전생했는바 그것이 모두 말데크악룡과의 잘못된 부모자식관계에서 침탈강탈된 영등급영력영위영각영성의 무단강제공유강탈에서 비롯된 참람한 재앙이다. 이들의 영등급영력영위영각영성의 선등급 선업공덕측면으로의 무단강탈과 무단공유 탈취는 어마어마한 재앙과 재난을 은하계 전체에 유발시켰는바, 그로 인하여 수도 없이 많은 사람들이 죽거나 잡아먹히고 수많은 문명이 멸망하는 무시무시한 사태가 벌어짐을 목격관찰하다 보고처리 이에 대한 뚜렷한 증거사례로서는 나치독일의 아우슈비츠강제수용소가 있다. 나치독일은 전적으로 중국놈 수나라놈들이 자행한 무도패악한 집단도살극이며 이를 막은 사람들이 고구려 사람들로서 목격관찰되다. 나치독일의 헤르만괴링(이건희놈이 박종권이의 선등급을 도적질해서 위전생한 독일놈)과 아돌프히틀러가 만든 아우슈비츠강제수용소는, 인육통조림제조를 목적으로 한 것으로서 이 새끼들이 말하는 것처럼 무슨 인종차별이나 정치반대세력제압을 위한 것이 아니었으며, 순전히 사람을 잡아먹고 사는 말데크식인용, 안드로메다은하계 식인계, 라이라 식인주오파충류계, 베가 식인주오파충류계, 플레이아데스식인요사파충류계, 플레이아데스식인상파충류계, 플레이아데스식인중파충류계가 요구하는 인육통조림, 인육을 얻기 위하여 자행된 무도패악한 인육도살장으로 목격관찰되다 보고처리 나치독일로 위전생한 희대의 도살자 포악무도한 잡놈 이건희는 헤르만괴링이 되었으며, 박종권이의 착한 마음 선한 의도를 모조리 도용하여 제놈이 착하고 선한 놈인 것으로 정의로운 놈인 것으로 위장하고 이재용이 놈과 더불어서 박종권이가 하는 일은 전부 제놈이 한 것으로 업적으로 공훈으로 공적으로 처리하고 서양독일최고명문백인놈으로 위전생하고 실권을 장악한 것으로 목격관찰되다 보고처리 특히 이 새끼들(식인파충류 식인공룡놈들이 만든 세계)의 세계에서는 분명히 제놈이 한 일이 아니라는 것을 세상사람이 다 알더라도 제놈이 한 일로 처리해버리는 막가파 내맘대로(임의 arbitrary) 처리 프로세스가 존재하는바, 이것이 이 식인용들이 만든 영역과 차원이며 그것이 보통 hix體(식인파충류로서 실제로는 사람이 사는 영역과 차원으로 들어올수 없는데, 사람으로 위장하거나 박종권이 같은 얼간이들의 靈等級을 공유하고 위장하여 들어오는데 이용되는 사람僞裝爬蟲類體),Quark體(제놈의 몸이 없고 남의 몸속에 들어가서 사는 놈), 반양자체(男色, 남자인데 보지를 달고 여자행세하는 놈), 中性子體(이건희같은 놈으로서 여자도 아니고 남자도 아닌 놈), 양성자체(이재용이같은 놈으로서 여자가 되는 것을 좋아하지만 남자인 놈)등으로 불리우는 素粒子 微粒子 物理學의 根幹이며, 이 구성요소자체가 食人을 위하여 의도적으로 만들어진 거짓된 우주(실제는 반우주이지만 일반우주로 인식되도록 거짓된 위장을 한 우주라는 의미)를 구성하는 근본입자체계로 목격관찰되다. 입자물리학(粒子物理學, particle physics)은 보통 물질과 방사선 등 자연의 기본 입자를 연구하는 물리학의 분야 중 하나이다. 현재의 해석으로는 입자는 양자장을 가지고 있으며 역학에 따라 상호작용한다는 것이다. 비록 입자라는 단어가 많은 물체를 뜻하지만(양성자, 기체 입자, 심지어는 가정의 먼지 등), 입자물리학이라는 용어는 보통 우주의 기본 입자 물체를 연구하는 것을 의미한다. 이는 입자 관찰을 설명하고 정의하기 위해 필요하며, 다른 중요 분야와의 조합으로는 설명할 수 없는 분야이다. 기본 장과 역학의 현재 설정은 표준 모형이라는 이론으로 요약되어 있으며, 입자물리학은 크게 표준 모형을 구성하고 있는 입자 연구와 가능한 확장 연구로 나뉜다.현대 입자물리학 연구는 전자, 양성자, 중성자(양성자와 중성자는 중입자로 불리며 쿼크로 이루어져 있음)같은 아원자 입자 연구와, 광자, 중성미자, 뮤온 뿐만이 아닌 넓은 범위의 이질적 입자의 방사성 감쇠와 산란 연구 등 두 가지에 초점을 맞추고 있다.구체적으로, 입자라는 용어는 입자물리학이 양자역학의 지배를 받기 때문에 고전역학에서는 잘못된 용어이다. 따라서, 특정한 상황에서 파동이 입자같은 성질을 띌 때와 같은 파동-입자 이중성 현상을 설명할 수 없다. 보다 기술적 측면에서, 힐베르트 공간의 양자 상태벡터로 설명하며, 이 공간은 양자장론에서 처리하고 있다. 입자물리학의 규칙에 따라, "기초 입자"는 전자나 광자같은 잘 알려진 유형의 입자뿐 아니라 파동 속성을 가지고 있는 입자도 포함되어 있다. -아돌프히틀러(수문제놈,수양제놈도 있다)와 헤르만괴링(이건희 삼성그룹회장놈이 맞다 이 씹새끼는 무서운 인간도살자 인간백정놈인데 현대시대에 삼성그룹회장이 되고 최고의 엘리트 스마트한 놈이며 능력높은 놈으로 위장하여 온갖 오만교만거만질을 다 떨고 있는데 그게 전부 박종권이 것이다) 요 두놈은, 아우슈비츠강제수용소를 인육통조림제조공장으로 이용하고, 향후 1억명(100000000명)이상을 잡아죽여 제놈들이 필요로 하는 인육식량을 확보하여 말데크식인용들과 라마제국식인파충류무리들 그리고 플레이아데스, 라이라, 베가의 식인파충류들에게 공납한다는 계획을 가지다. (정치반대세력제압이 아니며, 인종차별도 아니며 딴 이유없고 인육을 처 먹으려고 그렇게 한 것이다) - 高句麗가 隨나라 놈들의 책동을 반대하여 막아서다. 이어서 수나라 문제놈이 113만대군을 이끌고 高句麗를 침공하다. 隨文帝놈이 高句麗를 잡으려 한 이유는, 제놈들이 나치獨逸로 위전생하여, 아우슈비츠강제수용소를 만들고 人肉製造工場施設로 이용하며 지구인전체를 전부 잡아먹으려 하는 무시무시한 음모와 계획을 고구려가 반대하여 저지했기 때문이다.(지구인전체는 20억명이고, 이 20억명을 이 교활잔인한 식인귀들이 지나간 680억년간 되반복하며 잡아먹었는바, 일단 잡아처먹기 시작하면 전체 20억명을 단 한명도 남기지 않고 전부 잡아먹고 죽여없애며 증거를 삭제하고 기록을 멸실시키는 술수를 쓰기 때문에 아무도 모르는 일이 된 것이다) 고구려-수 전쟁(高句麗-隋 戰爭) 또는 여수전쟁(麗隋戰爭)은 598년, 612년, 613년, 614년에 고구려와 수나라 사이에 벌어진 전쟁이다.제1차 고구려-수 전쟁(第一次高句麗-隋戰爭)은 598년 수 문제가 고구려를 토벌하려 했으나 실패한 전쟁이다 제1차 고구려-수 전쟁 제2차 고구려-수 전쟁 제3차 고구려-수 전쟁 제4차 고구려-수 전쟁 이 전쟁으로 수나라는 많은 국력을 소진하였고, 이것이 지방에서의 반란과 중앙 세력의 약화로 이어져 멸망의 원인이 되었다. 고구려 또한 흐트러진 국내 사정을 바로잡기 위해 남쪽의 신라와 백제를 신경 쓸 겨를이 없었고, 수나라 이후 중국을 통일한 당나라에 호의적인 행동을 취하였다. 당나라 또한 피폐해진 국내를 바로 잡아야 했기에 고구려와 친선 관계를 유지하였다. 고구려가 당나라의 요청에 따라 경관(京觀)을 허문일은 이러한 상황 때문이었다. 그러나 중화 제국하의 질서를 원했던 당 태종이 황제에 즉위하면서 상황은 달라지게 되었다.당 태종은 진대덕(陳大德)을 고구려에 보내 첩보 활동을 명령하였다. 이처럼 당나라의 침략 의도가 분명해졌음에도 느슨한 태도를 보이는 영류왕의 태도와 그의 지나친 친당 정책에 반발한 연개소문(淵蓋蘇文)은 영류왕이 자신을 죽이려 한다는 사실을 눈치채자, 영류왕을 시해한 뒤 보장왕을 옹립하였다. 연개소문은 대당강경책을 주장해 고구려와 당 사이의 관계는 다시 험악해졌고, 결국 고구려-수 전쟁이 끝난 지 30여 년 만에 다시 고구려-당 전쟁이 일어나게 되었다. -결국 高句麗가 무도패악한 나치獨逸놈들로서의 隨나라 놈들과 장기간 싸워서 멸하여 결국 수나라놈들이 망함으로서 나치독일놈들의 아우슈비츠강제수용소의 인육제조공장시설을 더 이상 가동치못하게 막았음으로서 그나마 4000만명(40000000명)이 희생되는 선에서 중단되었다로서 보고처리 만일 고구려가 막지 못했으면 나치독일놈들은 지구인 전체를 다 잡아처먹었을 놈들이 명약관화하다. 살수 대첩(薩水大捷)은 제2차 고수 전쟁을 고구려의 승리로 장식한 살수에서의 전투이다. 평양을 직공했던 수의 별동대가 살수를 건너 회군하던 중 을지문덕 군의 공격을 받아 궤멸적인 피해를 입고 패주했다. 귀주 대첩, 한산도 대첩과 함께 한국사 3대 대첩의 하나로 불린다.배경612년 1월(음력) 제2차 여수 전쟁이 발발하여 수 양제는 1,133,800명의 병력으로 고구려의 요동성과 여러 성으로 출병하였다. 그러나 여러 달 동안 함락시키지 못하고 피해가 누적되자 6월(음력)에 수군(水軍)과 육군으로 편성된 별동대를 조직하여 평양성을 단숨에 공격하려 하였다.육군은 좌익위대장군(左翊衛大將軍) 우문술(노태우대통령), 우익위대장군 우중문(조선선조), 좌효위대장군(左驍衛―) 형원항(荊元恒), 우익위장군[1] 설세웅, 우둔위장군 신세웅, 우어위장군(右禦衛―) 장근(張瑾), 우무후장군(右武侯―) 조효재(趙孝才), 탁군태수 겸 검교좌무위장군(檢校左武衛―) 최홍승(崔弘昇), 검교우어위대장군[2] 위문승이, 수군(水軍)은 우효위대장군[3] 내호아, 좌무위장군[4] 주법상이 지휘하였다.육군보다 빠르게 패수(지금의 대동강이라고 주류 학계에서는 얘기하고 있으나 일부 다른 의견도 존재함)에 도착한 내호아는 부총관 주법상의 제지에도 불구하고 단독으로 평양성을 공격했다가 대파당했다. 이로써 평양성으로 향하는 별동대는 약305,000명의 육군만이 남았다. 이 전쟁의 승리로서 아우슈비츠강제수용소의 참극이 더 확산되는 것을 막았다로서 보고처리 (고구려승리) 고구려곰족의 개가는 무도패악한 나치독일놈들을 잡은 것이다.(수나라가 멸망하다) MALDEK과의 부모자식관계를 근원점에서 지속적항구적항속적종신적영원적영겁적영구적영속적무시무종적으로 에테르체무관 수직8192분면 수평8192분면상에서 영구추적영구파문영구제거영구죽음소멸시킬것영구없는일로일괄소급처리할것 是是非非毆打暴力暴行武力威力腕力蠻力撻毆打構殺毆殺叩掌打頰叩掌打臉叩掌打脸叩掌打脥叩掌打䪱 口吻喙緌㗃肳𠙵 𠮚咡㖧噭呅叭咼㚗喗凵𠲰𩔆喎𠱜啃囕㗪叼咁磭㗂呙㖞𡁋䶠䶢䙹㱉㗼㖟 박종권6301281067814주민등록증주민등록등본주민등록초본호적등본호적초본거소(居所)주거지거주지숙소숙박민박(民泊)민가(民家)연립주택아파트고시원(考試院)건물내갇힌유체이건희MAP맵이재용MAP맵영국MAP맵독일MAP맵일본MAP맵중국MAP맵

독일 나치 패망의 원인 및 이유 분석고찰 1.이건희,이재용이를 허용허락했다. - 이건희 : 이름을 풀이해보면, 아무 것도 하는 일이 없지만, 평생토록 부귀복락하며 즐기고 향락하며 ARBITRARY하게 사는 놈이라는 의미를 가진다. 이는, 일반적 믿음과는 달리, 전생의 선업공덕이라든지 혹은 전생의 고난들에 대한 보상 혹은 개인적 노력과 능력계발의 결과로서의 차원이 아니며, SCHEME, PLOT, INTRIGUE차원에서 자행되는 식인식육마물정책의 소산물로서 자행되는 결과이다.(목격관찰결과) 이건희라는 캐릭터는 게르만, 게르마니아인들이 가지는 원품, 성품, 원본질에 정면배치되는 반우주적인 성품이며 원본질이며 원품을 의미하는데 이를 허용허락했다는 것은, 로마제국의 멸망과 동일한 결과를 초래할 것을 예고하는 것이다. 로마제국을 멸망하게 만든 놈도 이건희놈이다. 로마제국의 근간을 무너뜨리고, 근본을 훼손하고 원본질을 뒤집어놓은 술수를 쓴 이유이다. 원본래적으로 본다면 로마제국은, 중세시대를 거쳐서 근대 현대시대로 이행하여 현대문명과는 전혀 다른 형태로서의 또 다른 문명형태로 발전했어야 했지만, 식인식육마물정책으로 파멸되었다. 이유를 보면, 인간류의 지성과 지력 능력이 지나치게 발전되었다는 것이 이유이다. 이것이 바로 식인식육마물이다. 이건희가 내세운 허망하고 삿된 믿음과 주장체계는 영구복락이다. 하지만 그 영구복락이라는 것은, 이건희가 주장하는 형태로는 올수 없는 것이다. 그것은 마약, 섹스, 쾌락, 극단적 쾌락과 향락 그리고 방종을 의미하고 그것의 마지막결과로서의 자기파괴 RUINS를 예고하는 것이다. 남의 것으로 무엇을 하든 마지막 결과는 그와 같은 것이다. 이건희는 이미 상은하계연합원로원, 은하대전연합원로원의 공격을 받고 비참하게 죽었다. 우리는 이미 그 광경을 목격하는데, 처절하게 죽었다. 하지만, 결국은 인과응보의 법칙일수도 있다. 게르만의 특성은, 검소근검절약하고 깨끗하고 정결하며 균형잡힌 삶의 태도와 자세들이다. 하지만 이건희,이재용이 같은 놈은 이에 정면배치되는 놈들이다. 이들을 허용했다는 것은, 로마제국과 동일한 멸망을 예고한다. 이 두 놈이 큰소리를 칠수 있었던 것은 박종권이가 플레이아데스인으로 인증된 것을 두고 그런 것이지만, 이 플레이아데스인이라는 것도 우리가 그간 관찰목격한 바로는, 헛되고 삿된 허망한 체계에 지나지 않는다. 제대로 된 체계는 라이라 등급부터이다. 이 플레이아데스라는 곳은, 자기 스스로는 도대체 뭘 할수 없는 곳이며, 오로지 남의 것만 가지고 뭘 해야 하는곳인데, 이는 오래전 이들이 지은 악업죄업흉업의 결과로 목격관찰되다. 라이라 등급부터는 자기 스스로 무언가를 할수 있지만, 이곳은 식인식육마물로서 나치의 원본거지이다. 나치NAZI사상은, 실제로는 라이라 3600제국으로부터 발원된 사상이며, 근본기원을 따라가면, 안드로메다은하계인들의 근본사상에 해당된다. 안드로메다은하계인들의 특성중 하나는 악독함이다. 말데크인들의 특성중 하나는, 악착같음이다. 이 악독함은, 나치사상과 유사한데, 다만 나치가 국가사회주의를 주창했다면 악독함과는 다소 배치된다. 그러나 나치는 악독함을 근간으로 하는 라이라 3600제국을 추종했는데, 그로서 라마제국과 연합했다. 그리고 그로서 패망했다. 라마제국은 라이라 3600제국의 연장선상에서 만들어진 제국이다. 말데크인들은 나치와는 다른데, 악착같음이 이들의 특성이다. 안드로메다은하계인들이 악독이들이라면 말데크인들은 악착이들이다 나치가 흥성한 이유는, 아틀란티스와의 연합시기에 있다 나치의 전격작전은 아틀란티스군의 전략체계중 하나이다. 하지만 나치는 중도에서 변질되었으며, 라마제국과 연합하여 원본래의 목적을 망각했다고 보인다. 이유는 이재용, 이건희를 승인한 것에 있다. 이재용이는 구데리안이라는 독일군대장노릇을 하는데, 이런 놈이 대장이 되면 나라가 망한다 독일6군 전력을 전부 투입하고도 스탈린그라드에서 패배할 수 밖에 없는 이유이다. 이 새끼는 후일 구데리안 놈을 동원해서 자기가 지은 죄업악업흉업을 반분하자고 강짜를 놓고 생떼를 쓴다. 그러나 우리는 이들과 함께 한 적이 전혀 없다. 우리는 오로지 아틀란티스군 그것도 박종권이가 상상과 판타지속에서 대장노릇을 하던 아틀란티스군으로서만 참여했을 뿐이지 독일군과 함께 한 적이 없다 우리가 영국런던공습에 참여한 것도, 영국여왕들의 무도함과 부정정사들 그리고 대영제국 프로젝트에 대한 모독이 문제였기 때문이지 독일을 돕자고 한 일은 아니다 북아프리카 작전에서의 롬멜은 어떻게 보면 초기 아틀란티스와 연합하던 독일나치제국일수도 있다. 북아프리카 작전은, 카르타고를 되살리고자 하는 시도일수도 있었기 때문이다 하지만, 독일합스부르크 지도부의 변심으로 인하여 이러한 것들은 유지되지 못했으며, 종국에는 라마제국과 연합했다는 진실이 밝혀지면서 우리의 독일과의 관계는 끝났다. 악업죄업흉업을 반분하자고 강짜를 놓거나 생떼를 부리거나 흉계음모한 자들에 대해서 전원 영구파문하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방하도록 처리하다 이 사건은, 다만 박종권이 원본인에게 있어서는 그저 한낮 여름 오후의 상상 판타지속에서의 내적인 사건에 불과하다 만일 악업흉업죄업을 논하자면 그것이 실제현실로서 실행실시실천되고 경험체험되어야 하지만, 만일 그렇게 된다면 우리가 그렇게 할지는 미지수이다. 이 사건은, 인류의 집단무의식속에서의 심정적동조, 동의정도에 그친다. 그러므로 더 이상 헛소리하지 말자 이미 일본제국, 나치독일제국, 이태리파시즘제국, 아플레이아데스영국지도부, 중국지도부 전체가 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리되었다. 이건희놈의 간교사특함은, 인간존재가 지니는 한계를 교묘하게 이용해서 말도 되지 않는 주장과 사상을 정당화시키고 동의를 얻어내는 간교함에 있다. 이건희놈은 우리가 관찰한 바로는 아무것도 할줄 모르는 처절한 무능과 무지, 미개함과 완고함, 인색함과 사악함, 잔인함과 무도함이 특징이다. 이건희놈이 주장하는 모든 것들은 전부 박종권이의 +22등급의 것들이지 이 자의 것은 아무것도 없다 우리는 도대체 어떻게 이런 놈이 일국 최고재벌총수가 될수 있는지가 매우 의문이다. 그리고 그것을 식인식육마물정책의 결과로 판단한다. 이런 놈일수록 식인식육마물정책에 매우 큰 도움이 되기에 그렇다 안드로메다은하계는 도를 지나쳤으며, 이번 기회에 크게 혼줄이 나야 한다. 정보로는 이건희놈은 안드로메다은하계 주신 4놈이 합쳐서 만들어진 결과라고 한다. 안드로메다은하계놈들의 큰 문제로서 이건희 이재용이다.